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Old 13th November 2016, 04:47
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Piecemaker Part 2

Miffed with NAFTA
Speaking before the election, Mr Trump’s senior trade adviser, Dan DiMicco, the former boss of Nucor, a big steelmaker, set out several actions the president will take in his first 100 days. These include starting to renegotiate trade pacts such as the NAFTA accord with Mexico and Canada (and threatening to pull out if they won’t play ball). Every future trade agreement, among them the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) between America and 11 other Asia-Pacific countries, and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) with the European Union (EU), will be put on hold. “Whether they go forward depends on whether we can return to balanced trade, and whether they add to GDP growth,” Mr DiMicco said. “The era of trade deficits is over. It will be: let’s talk, but otherwise we put tariffs on.”

Mr DiMicco cited the decision by Ronald Reagan (a favourite of Trump supporters) to impose a 45% tariff on Japanese motorcycles in the 1980s: “That brought people to the negotiating table.” Yet it seems implausible that trading partners will stand idly by should America raise tariffs. A trade war would come as protectionism is already on the rise. The World Trade Organisation predicts that global trade this year will grow less quickly than the world’s GDP for the first time in 15 years.

The Peterson Institute for International Economics (PIIE), a think-tank, has estimated the impact of Mr Trump’s trade policies under three scenarios, ranging from “aborted trade war”, in which Mr Trump is forced to lower tariffs within a year of imposing them, to a “full trade war” with Mexico and China. In the former case, global supply chains are disrupted and 1.3m private-sector American jobs are lost; in the latter, the damage includes the loss of 4.8m American jobs and would spill over into the services sector, too. Adam Posen of the PIIE says Mr Trump’s trade policies would be “horribly destructive”.

Neighbour makes bad fences
They may prove even more devastating abroad, especially in Mexico, where the peso slumped against the dollar. Enrique Peña Nieto, the Mexican leader, was chastised for inviting Mr Trump for talks in August. Mr Trump’s habit of insulting Mexican immigrants and his rallying cry—that he would build a wall along America’s southern border and make Mexico pay for it—have earned him much hostility in Latin America. But Mr Peña may now feel vindicated, as he has to deal with the president of his giant northern neighbour.

Mr Trump’s victory comes, cruelly, just as left-wing populism in Latin America is in retreat, opening opportunities for closer trade between the two halves of the Americas. Before the election, Latin Americans’ opinion of the United States was warmer than at any point this century. Mr Trump’s victory risks rekindling anti-yanqui sentiments, especially if he repudiates Barack Obama’s policy of normalising relations with Cuba.

Across the northern border, meanwhile, Canada frets about the economic harm that will be caused should NAFTA collapse. The United States buys about three-quarters of Canada’s exports. Some Canadians fondly imagine that a wave of young, well-educated Americans will move north, as they did during the 1970s. However, this is unlikely. A Trump presidency will hardly scare people in the way that the prospect of being drafted to fight in Vietnam did. (As Mr Trump doubtless recalls, though he was lucky enough to receive five deferments during the war.)

Mr Trump has repeatedly said that America’s willingness to defend its traditional allies should depend on whether they pay their fair share for their defence—which in Mr Trump’s view includes paying America in cash to cover the costs of protecting them. America has a justified complaint: it spends far more on defence than its European and Japanese allies put together (see chart 2). But Mr Trump risks upending the basis of post-war global security—particularly in Asia, where China is menacing its neighbours; and in Europe, where Russia has annexed Crimea and stirred a proxy war in eastern Ukraine. >>>>>>>>>>>
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Old 13th November 2016, 04:51
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In Asia American strategy has for decades been built on three pillars: open trade and the prosperity that flows from it; strong formal and informal alliances, from Japan to Australia to Singapore; and the promotion of democratic values. It is not clear that Mr Trump cares for any of them.

Mr Obama’s “pivot to Asia”—a promise to pay more attention to the world’s largest and most buoyant region—is under threat. Mr Trump will unnerve Japan, America’s staunchest friend in Asia. China may risk greater assertiveness—particularly in the South China Sea, where it has built up several reefs and atolls into military bases.

Mr Trump has suggested that Japan and South Korea should develop their own nuclear weapons rather than shelter under America’s umbrella—a recipe for regional instability and a nuclear arms race. Neither country is close to considering the possibility, and Mr Trump has played down the remarks. But fear will grow of American disengagement from Asia.

The TPP trade deal, the economic pillar of Mr Obama’s pivot to Asia, was sold as an attempt to set the world’s economic rules before they are dictated by China. But Mr Trump sees it as allowing China to come in through the back door. TPP’s proponents held out a faint hope that it could pass in the lame-duck Congress. That is now impossible. Mr Trump also says he will pull America out of the Paris climate treaty and abrogate Mr Obama’s climate agreement with China—one of the few bright spots in Sino-American relations.

Though China would be hurt by a trade war with America, Chinese hawks spot a geopolitical opening. They see Mr Trump’s election as confirmation that China is a rising power and America a declining one. “We may as well let the guy go up and see what chaos he can create for the US and the West,” wrote Global Times, a Chinese newspaper with links to the armed forces.

The thin Baltic tripwire
Mr Trump’s victory is sending shock waves through NATO, the world’s most successful military alliance. In his book “The America We Deserve” in 2000 he said that eastern Europeans should be left alone to fight out their ancient feuds. The most vulnerable point for NATO will be the Baltic states—lying on a small, flat, thinly populated strip of land with few natural frontiers and nowhere to retreat to. Providing a credible defence for Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania has been NATO’s biggest headache in recent years. The alliance has started to rotate tripwire forces through them and has cobbled together rapid-reaction forces. But NATO’s ability to deter Russia rests chiefly on Russia believing that America will act decisively and speedily in a crisis.

Fearing that Mr Trump would not, the Baltic states will now start preparing for the worst—they have boosted their territorial defences and conduct regular drills in guerrilla warfare; and they have developed defence ties with neighbouring countries such as non-NATO Sweden and Finland. They worry that Russia might seek to exploit the lame-duck period in Washington to create new facts on the ground.

Whether or not Russia takes such a gamble, the Kremlin is already crying victory. Two days before Americans voted, Dmitry Kiselev, Russia’s propagandist-in-chief, declared that the campaign had been the dirtiest in America’s history: “It was so horribly noxious that it only engenders disgust towards what is still inexplicably called a ‘democracy’ in America.” Mr Putin hopes that if Western democracy seems less attractive, there is less risk of more “colour revolutions” in Russia’s backyard.

That Mr Trump openly admires Mr Putin is a welcome bonus for the Kremlin. Mr Putin expressed the hope that Russian-American relations would improve. His dream is to see Western sanctions lifted and for Mr Trump to agree to a Yalta-style deal that would recognise a Russian sphere of influence in its “near abroad”.

There are jitters in the Middle East, too. Mr Trump has mocked the folly of toppling dictators in Iraq or Libya (though he once backed both interventions). He has also blamed American leaders for not seizing oilfields in Iraq. “We go in, we spent $3trn. We lose thousands and thousands of lives, and then look, what happens is we get nothing. You know it used to be to the victor belong the spoils,” Mr Trump said in September.

Mr Trump called Mr Obama the “founder” of the Islamic State (IS), because his withdrawal of troops from Iraq created a vacuum in which the terrorist group thrived. Without offering much detail, Mr Trump has said he would “bomb the **** out of” IS. He has also appeared to accept the notion, pushed by Russia, that Syria’s dictator, Bashar al-Assad, is a bulwark against Sunni extremism rather than a despot who provokes it. That suggests that Mr Trump will probably let the Pentagon finish the job of driving IS out of the Iraqi city of Mosul if it has not already fallen by the time he is inaugurated on January 20th. But he has shown little appetite for sustained engagement in the Middle East.

Critics, and there are many among veterans of recent Republican administrations, note that many of Mr Trump’s ideas would break American or international law. They shudder when he calls for the return of torture for terrorist suspects, and for the killing of terrorists’ families as a deterrent (which would be a war crime).

Gulf Arab leaders have been appalled by Mr Obama’s policy—his support for revolts against Arab dictators, his reluctance to be drawn into the war in Syria and his decision to sign an agreement with Iran to limit its nuclear programme. But they are even more worried about Mr Trump’s unpredictability and possible isolationism. “Russia, Iran, Iraq’s Shia militias, Syria and Hizbullah all benefit from America’s vacuum in the region and support Mr Trump,” says Oraib Rantawi, a Jordanian analyst. To that list add Egypt’s strongman, Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi, to whom Mr Trump has promised “loyal friendship”.

Like Mr Obama, Mr Trump refers to the Gulf’s oil-rich Sunni monarchies with disdain. He has also caused outrage by showing contempt for Muslim migrants and demanding that “radical Islam” be named as the true cause of terrorism. >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>.
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Old 13th November 2016, 04:52
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“Trump will cut off America’s aid to the opposition,” says a forlorn Syrian rebel spokesman in Istanbul. “Aleppo will fall to the regime and opposition units either dissolve or shift to the extremists.” Iraq’s marginalised Sunnis are similarly downbeat. Many had hoped that American forces would stay the course after the expected recapture of Mosul to oversee their rehabilitation in Iraqi politics.

When talking about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Mr Trump pointedly does not mention the need to establish a Palestinian state. The Israeli prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, will probably be happy to have an American president who never presses him to trade land for peace or stop Jewish settlement-building in the West Bank. But those who know Mr Netanyahu say he is sceptical. “Bibi is risk-averse and hates surprises,” explains an ally in his Likud party. “Trump is unexpected and volatile and Bibi is like many in the Republican establishment who see him as a wild card and don’t trust him.”

America’s dealings with Iran seem likely to shift in ways that, paradoxically, may please the hardliners there. During the campaign, the state broadcaster devoted much airtime to Mr Trump’s mudslinging. The Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, joined in, praising the “straight-talking” Mr Trump. Confidants cheered Mr Trump’s anti-Saudi rhetoric and his good relations with Mr Putin. And so what if he loathes the nuclear agreement, or assents to Congress killing it off? Iranian conservatives have always viewed that deal with grave suspicion, as part of an American plot to gain control of their country.

Following close on Britain’s referendum to leave the European Union, Mr Trump’s election will boost populists everywhere, especially in Europe, by breaking the myth that anti-establishment groups are unelectable. The next test will be Italy’s constitutional referendum in December. A defeat for the prime minister, Matteo Renzi, which seems likely, could lead to the undoing of his government and the rise to power of the populist Five Star Movement, which wants a referendum on the euro.

Trumpeting the Donald
Then there is France. Could Marine Le Pen, leader of the ultranationalist FN, win the presidential election next spring? Before Mr Trump’s victory, the question seemed absurd. Polls suggest that she will win one of two second-round places. This in itself would be a victory of sorts, repeating the achievement of her father, Jean-Marie Le Pen, in 2002. But no polls have indicated that she could beat any of the centre-right candidates likely to face her. Now, her victory is no longer unthinkable. There was no disguising the delight at the FN headquarters in Paris. A jubilant Ms Le Pen, congratulated the American president-elect and praised the “free” American people. Even Mr Le Pen, who has fallen out with his daughter, tweeted: “Today the United States, tomorrow France!”

The parallels between Ms Le Pen and Mr Trump are striking. Both trade on simplified truths and have built platforms on rejection and nostalgia. Both have cast themselves as outsiders who stand up for people scorned by the elite. Mr Trump and Ms Le Pen are both protectionist, nationalist and fans of Mr Putin. Mr Trump wants to scrap trade deals and is impatient with encumbering alliances. Ms Le Pen wants a referendum on “Frexit”; if it passed it would spell the end of the EU.

One difference is rhetorical excess. Ms Le Pen is in some ways a Trump lite. She may share many of his reflexes, but her language is more cautious. She has never, for instance, called for all Muslims to be banned from entering France, but rather for an end to an “uncontrolled wave” of immigration. She does not promise to build walls, but to control borders. The problem, she says, is not Islam but what she calls the “Islamification” of France. In France, where Ms Le Pen is trying to transform a one-time pariah movement with neo-Nazi links into a credible party of government, such nuances remain an asset.

Viktor Orban, the prime minister of Hungary and prototype European populist, who talks of creating an “illiberal” democracy, was one of the few European leaders to endorse Mr Trump’s campaign. The Polish government, which is in many ways as populist and nationalist as Mr Trump, has been more cautious. It may dislike Muslim migrants, but it fears Russia more, and would love to see more American troops deployed on its territory.

With America in isolationist mood, Britain on the way out and France paralysed, it falls increasingly to Germany to preserve the European order. Many Germans are horrified by Mr Trump’s disdain for due process. “What sets Trump apart from any major US politician—let alone presidential candidate—in living memory is his overt, chilling contempt for the fundamental principles of the constitution. That is familiar to a German in the worst possible way,” says Constanze Stelzenmüller of the Brookings Institution, a think-tank. Yet the chancellor, Angela Merkel, weakened by the past year’s refugee crisis, will be largely reduced to “lots of hand-wringing and rhetoric and virtually no action”, says John Kornblum, a former American ambassador to Germany.

If Mr Trump’s triumph augurs yet more populist victories elsewhere, the EU itself may find it hard to hold together. A remote, complex and technocratic body, the EU is the perfect whipping boy for demagogues. As Gérard Araud, the French ambassador to Washington, put it in a tweet (now deleted): “After Brexit and this election, everything is now possible. A world is collapsing before our eyes.”
The piecemaker | The Economist
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Old 13th November 2016, 05:24
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EU Commission President: Trump’s Election Poses Risks for EU-US Relationship
VOICE OF AMERICA Isabela Cocoli November 12, 2016 2:19 AM

WASHINGTON —

EU Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker says U.S. President-elect Donald Trump poses risks for the relationship between the European Union and the United States.

Speaking to students at a conference in Luxemburg late Friday, Juncker said Trump must get up to speed on how Europe works in order to avoid “two years of wasted time” when he assumes the presidency in January.

“Generally speaking,” Juncker said, “the political class and the U.S. in general take no interest at all in Europe. Mr. Trump has said during his campaign — I was just telling this to our president here — that Belgium is a little village in Europe. It’s spot on if you look from very far, but it does not reflect the reality. So we have to teach the president-elect what Europe really is and how Europe works.”

Juncker reminded his audience that Trump had called NATO into question, which could have “harmful consequences” because it is the model of Europe’s defense.

“He called into question the Trans-Atlantic Alliance, which is actually quite pernicious, and so he questions the model of the defense of Europe,” Juncker said. “With regards to refugees and non-American whites, Trump has an approach which in no way coincides with the convictions and feelings in Europe. I think that we will waste two years before Mr. Trump gets to know the parts of the world he is unaware of.”

Juncker’s blunt remarks reflected the shock and concern among some European leaders at the election of Trump, who has praised Russian President Vladimir Putin, among other statements, and questioned the principle of collective defense in NATO.

During the U.S. election campaign, candidate Trump was also a vocal critic of the open border migration policies of some EU nations.

Juncker's comments contrasted with the more diplomatic reactions of other European leaders, who have said they look forward to working with the next Republican president.

On Wednesday, after Trump’s victory over Democratic rival Hillary Clinton, Juncker and European Council President Donald Tusk invited him to an EU-U.S. summit to discuss issues including terrorism and Ukraine. EU Commission President: Trump’s Election Poses Risks for EU-US Relationship 
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Old 13th November 2016, 15:44
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An American Tragedy
THE NEW YORKER David Remnick Nov 9, 2016

The election of Donald Trump to the Presidency is nothing less than a tragedy for the American republic, a tragedy for the Constitution, and a triumph for the forces, at home and abroad, of nativism, authoritarianism, misogyny, and racism. Trump’s shocking victory, his ascension to the Presidency, is a sickening event in the history of the United States and liberal democracy. On January 20, 2017, we will bid farewell to the first African-American President—a man of integrity, dignity, and generous spirit—and witness the inauguration of a con who did little to spurn endorsement by forces of xenophobia and white supremacy. It is impossible to react to this moment with anything less than revulsion and profound anxiety.

There are, inevitably, miseries to come: an increasingly reactionary Supreme Court; an emboldened right-wing Congress; a President whose disdain for women and minorities, civil liberties and scientific fact, to say nothing of simple decency, has been repeatedly demonstrated. Trump is vulgarity unbounded, a knowledge-free national leader who will not only set markets tumbling but will strike fear into the hearts of the vulnerable, the weak, and, above all, the many varieties of Other whom he has so deeply insulted. The African-American Other. The Hispanic Other. The female Other. The Jewish and Muslim Other. The most hopeful way to look at this grievous event—and it’s a stretch—is that this election and the years to follow will be a test of the strength, or the fragility, of American institutions. It will be a test of our seriousness and resolve.

Early on Election Day, the polls held out cause for concern, but they provided sufficiently promising news for Democrats in states like Pennsylvania, Michigan, North Carolina, and even Florida that there was every reason to think about celebrating the fulfillment of Seneca Falls, the election of the first woman to the White House. Potential victories in states like Georgia disappeared, little more than a week ago, with the F.B.I. director’s heedless and damaging letter to Congress about reopening his investigation and the reappearance of damaging buzzwords like “e-mails,” “Anthony Weiner,” and “fifteen-year-old girl.” But the odds were still with Hillary Clinton.

All along, Trump seemed like a twisted caricature of every rotten reflex of the radical right. That he has prevailed, that he has won this election, is a crushing blow to the spirit; it is an event that will likely cast the country into a period of economic, political, and social uncertainty that we cannot yet imagine. That the electorate has, in its plurality, decided to live in Trump’s world of vanity, hate, arrogance, untruth, and recklessness, his disdain for democratic norms, is a fact that will lead, inevitably, to all manner of national decline and suffering.

In the coming days, commentators will attempt to normalize this event. They will try to soothe their readers and viewers with thoughts about the “innate wisdom” and “essential decency” of the American people. They will downplay the virulence of the nationalism displayed, the cruel decision to elevate a man who rides in a gold-plated airliner but who has staked his claim with the populist rhetoric of blood and soil. George Orwell, the most fearless of commentators, was right to point out that public opinion is no more innately wise than humans are innately kind. People can behave foolishly, recklessly, self-destructively in the aggregate just as they can individually. Sometimes all they require is a leader of cunning, a demagogue who reads the waves of resentment and rides them to a popular victory. “The point is that the relative freedom which we enjoy depends of public opinion,” Orwell wrote in his essay “Freedom of the Park.” “The law is no protection. Governments make laws, but whether they are carried out, and how the police behave, depends on the general temper in the country. If large numbers of people are interested in freedom of speech, there will be freedom of speech, even if the law forbids it; if public opinion is sluggish, inconvenient minorities will be persecuted, even if laws exist to protect them.”

Trump ran his campaign sensing the feeling of dispossession and anxiety among millions of voters—white voters, in the main. And many of those voters—not all, but many—followed Trump because they saw that this slick performer, once a relative cipher when it came to politics, a marginal self-promoting buffoon in the jokescape of eighties and nineties New York, was more than willing to assume their resentments, their fury, their sense of a new world that conspired against their interests. That he was a billionaire of low repute did not dissuade them any more than pro-Brexit voters in Britain were dissuaded by the cynicism of Boris Johnson and so many others. The Democratic electorate might have taken comfort in the fact that the nation had recovered substantially, if unevenly, from the Great Recession in many ways—unemployment is down to 4.9 per cent—but it led them, it led us, to grossly underestimate reality. The Democratic electorate also believed that, with the election of an African-American President and the rise of marriage equality and other such markers, the culture wars were coming to a close. Trump began his campaign declaring Mexican immigrants to be “rapists”; he closed it with an anti-Semitic ad evoking “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion”; his own behavior made a mockery of the dignity of women and women’s bodies. And, when criticized for any of it, he batted it all away as “political correctness.” Surely such a cruel and retrograde figure could succeed among some voters, but how could he win? Surely, Breitbart News, a site of vile conspiracies, could not become for millions a source of news and mainstream opinion. And yet Trump, who may have set out on his campaign merely as a branding exercise, sooner or later recognized that he could embody and manipulate these dark forces. The fact that “traditional” Republicans, from George H. W. Bush to Mitt Romney, announced their distaste for Trump only seemed to deepen his emotional support.

The commentators, in their attempt to normalize this tragedy, will also find ways to discount the bumbling and destructive behavior of the F.B.I., the malign interference of Russian intelligence, the free pass—the hours of uninterrupted, unmediated coverage of his rallies—provided to Trump by cable television, particularly in the early months of his campaign. We will be asked to count on the stability of American institutions, the tendency of even the most radical politicians to rein themselves in when admitted to office. Liberals will be admonished as smug, disconnected from suffering, as if so many Democratic voters were unacquainted with poverty, struggle, and misfortune. There is no reason to believe this palaver. There is no reason to believe that Trump and his band of associates—Chris Christie, Rudolph Giuliani, Mike Pence, and, yes, Paul Ryan—are in any mood to govern as Republicans within the traditional boundaries of decency. Trump was not elected on a platform of decency, fairness, moderation, compromise, and the rule of law; he was elected, in the main, on a platform of resentment. Fascism is not our future—it cannot be; we cannot allow it to be so—but this is surely the way fascism can begin.

Hillary Clinton was a flawed candidate but a resilient, intelligent, and competent leader, who never overcame her image among millions of voters as untrustworthy and entitled. Some of this was the result of her ingrown instinct for suspicion, developed over the years after one bogus “scandal” after another. And yet, somehow, no matter how long and committed her earnest public service, she was less trusted than Trump, a flim-flam man who cheated his customers, investors, and contractors; a hollow man whose countless statements and behavior reflect a human being of dismal qualities—greedy, mendacious, and bigoted. His level of egotism is rarely exhibited outside of a clinical environment.

For eight years, the country has lived with Barack Obama as its President. Too often, we tried to diminish the racism and resentment that bubbled under the cyber-surface. But the information loop had been shattered. On Facebook, articles in the traditional, fact-based press look the same as articles from the conspiratorial alt-right media. Spokesmen for the unspeakable now have access to huge audiences. This was the cauldron, with so much misogynistic language, that helped to demean and destroy Clinton. The alt-right press was the purveyor of constant lies, propaganda, and conspiracy theories that Trump used as the oxygen of his campaign. Steve Bannon, a pivotal figure at Breitbart, was his propagandist and campaign manager.

It is all a dismal picture. Late last night, as the results were coming in from the last states, a friend called me full of sadness, full of anxiety about conflict, about war. Why not leave the country? But despair is no answer. To combat authoritarianism, to call out lies, to struggle honorably and fiercely in the name of American ideals—that is what is left to do. That is all there is to do.
Presidential Election 2016: An American Tragedy - The New Yorker
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Old 13th November 2016, 15:53
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Trump to Create Jobs for Unskilled White Males
THE NEW YORKER Andy Borowitz November 10, 2016

http://www.newyorker.com/wp-content/...h-4-1-1200.jpg

WASHINGTON (The Borowitz Report)—Fulfilling a promise that was a hallmark of his campaign, President-elect Donald J. Trump said on Thursday that on Day One of his Administration he would create jobs for two unskilled white males.

Appearing at a press conference flanked by the males, Trump assailed an economy that had left the two men behind.

“These two guys are completely unskilled, unemployable, and angry,” Trump said, as the two males glowered at the press corps. “I, and I alone, can create jobs for people like them.”

Gesturing vehemently at the two men, Trump underlined his last point. “No one—I repeat, no one—but me is willing to give these two jobs,” he said.

The two unskilled men profusely thanked Trump, and said that they had almost given up hope that anyone would ever hire them again.

ppearing on CNN, another unskilled white male, Corey Lewandowski, said that the two jobs Trump had created were “just the beginning.”

“Almost everyone Donald Trump knows is an angry, unskilled white male, and he’s going to give jobs to every last one of them,” he said.
Trump to Create Jobs for Unskilled White Males - The New Yorker
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Old 13th November 2016, 16:17
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Trump Confirms That He Just Googled Obamacare
THE NEW YORKER Andy Borowitz , November 12, 2016

NEW YORK (The Borowitz Report)—Speaking to reporters late Friday night, President-elect Donald Trump revealed that he had Googled Obamacare for the first time earlier in the day.

“I Googled it, and, I must say, I was surprised,” he said. “There was a lot in it that really made sense, to be honest.”

He said that he regretted that the frenetic pace of the presidential campaign had prevented him from Googling Obamacare earlier. “You’re always running, running, running,” he said. “There were so many times that I made a mental note to Google Obamacare but I just never got around to it.”

Trump also told the reporters that, now that the campaign was over, he had finally found the time to Google Mexico.

“Really eye-opening,” he said. “A lot of the Mexicans are terrific. They do just terrific things.”

When asked if Googling Mexico had affected his position on building a wall, Trump said, “Quite frankly, it did make me wonder a bit about that. A lot of these terrific Mexicans could come in and make a real contribution to our country and, in exchange, I think they’d really benefit from Obamacare.”

The President-elect also said that he had put Mike Pence in charge of the transition team “to give me more time for my conversion to Islam.”
Trump Confirms That He Just Googled Obamacare - The New Yorker
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