Prime Minister Harper

[sjoyce]

I found it interesting that Prime Minister Harper of Canada was welcomed to Ukraine by Mr. Azarov speaking in Russian.

[IreneLviv]

I did not know Mr Harper was arriving in Lviv today - but when the traffic was suddenly stopped in Lviv I immediately understood what was going on. The Canadian guest visited Ukrainian Catholic University, Lacki prison Museum (which became famous after recent events), St George Cathedral, Shevchenko monument, and had a lunch in Viennese Cafe.
The car suite consisted of 3 Police Cars, PM's car with a tiny Canadian flag, 5 mini-buses marked V1 -V5, a huge ambulance, and 3 police cars more. I imagine that Yanuk's suite would be miles longer and he would choose a posher car!
His car windows were semi-transparent which is also strange (all our VIPs prefer not to be seen) - and I waved my hand to Mr Harper - he saw me - but did not reply...
After the ceremony near the Shevchenko Monument I stood next to the entrance to VIennese cafe to see the PM better and take his picture - but a tall KGB man demanded that I produce him my bag (full of nothing else but food) and immideately pass by - I replied him that I am a free person in a free country and do whatever I like- however he insisted that I move away...

[g bilous]

I do hope Yanuks convoy did'nt have too much of a bumpy ride through the streets of Lviv, or were the roads relaid with new tarmac for him.
As for the incident with the KGB man that sort of thing can happen here in England too. I hope you did'nt try to take a photograph of him or you will get locked up.

[sjoyce]

Irene, I am glad you had the opportunity to see Mr. Harper, a very unassuming man. Actually he is an economist, has an honest degree. He has great feelings for the country and people of Ukraine and we hope he can bring something positive to the country. I know he wanted to do other than the usual high profile stuff, like meet students, journalists and Julia. Hope it was successful.

[Serhii]

Most people in his delegation were ethnic Ukrainians with excellent Ukrainian. It was very interesting to listen to them in the news ( I wish we could more )

By the way , Canadian PM his every phrase spoke in both English and French .

[bkrevel]

[QUOTE=IreneLviv;105044]I did not know Mr Harper was arriving in Lviv today - but when the traffic was suddenly stopped in Lviv I immediately understood what was going on. The Canadian guest visited Ukrainian Catholic University, Lacki prison Museum (which became famous after recent events), St George Cathedral, Shevchenko monument, and had a lunch in Viennese Cafe.

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Well Irene, you are luckier than me, I, as a Canadian have not seen Mr Harper in person.


I was most happy to learn that Mr Harper was not afraid to discuss the freedoms of people/press with Yanuconvict. Apparantly Yanuk did not accompany Prime Minister Harper to the Holodomor Monument, but Mr Harper did bring up the issue with him.

Mr Harper did 100% better than Hilary Clinton, who ...'praised Ukraine's democracy...' ( I think she had one too many horilka toasts with Yanuk!!)

Following is the news story in the Edmonton Journal about Mr Harpers visit.

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Sending Harper to Ukraine sends message of concern

By David Marples, Freelance October 27, 2010

Prime Minister Stephen Harper's visit to Ukraine this week has offered some clear signals that Canada is concerned about recent developments in Ukrainian politics, particularly violations of human rights, a pro-Russian orientation, and the growing accumulation of power in the hands of President Viktor Yanukovych.

In taking such a clear stance, Harper's position departs from that of countries of the European Union, which appear to be concerned primarily about regional stability and favour warmer relations with Russia. The EU's motivation, ostensibly, is the need for reliable imports of Russian gas and oil, which were disrupted frequently during the administration of Yanukovych's predecessor, Viktor Yushchenko.

The Canadian prime minister seemed more at ease during his visit to L'viv on the second day of his tour than during official meetings in Kyiv. At the latter, he was addressed in Russian by Ukrainian Prime Minister Mykola Azarov. During an emotional visit to the memorial to the Famine-Holodomor of 1932-33, Harper referred to the horrors of that event without using the word genocide. Yanukovych, perhaps relieved, acknowledged the enormity of the famine, but referred to it as a crime that also affected Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan. In short, the Ukrainian leader repeated the perspective offered regularly by the Russian leadership.

In L'viv, however, Harper could be more forthright. In the capital city of Western Ukraine there is little affection for the Yanukovych government. The prime minister made a point of visiting those directly affected by the authorities' clampdown, including historian Ruslan Zabilyi, an employee of the Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) who was detained when alighting a train from L'viv to Kyiv, interrogated for some 14 hours, and accused of passing on classified information to third parties, reportedly documents pertaining to Ukrainian dissidence movements of the 1960s.

Zabilyi works at the Lonsky Prison, now SBU property, which was used both by the Soviet NKVD and Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Historians worldwide have signed a protest letter against the detention of Zabilyi and the SBU's intent to launch criminal proceedings against him. Harper also met with Borys Gudziak, Rector of the Ukrainian Catholic University of L'viv, who was also approached by the SBU last May and warned that students taking part in protests against the government would be prosecuted. In his talk at the university, Harper did describe the famine of 1932-33 as genocide.

The impact of the his visit to Ukraine is hard to determine. It received little publicity in the Ukrainian media other than on the Internet. However, in Canada, there was a positive response from the Ukrainian community, which has expressed its concern with the latest developments in Ukraine. Canadian Ukrainians, in contrast to their American counterparts who protested the visit of Yanukovych to New York last month and refused to meet with him, have continued to be critical of the new Ukrainian government while maintaining a dialogue.

Yanukovych's public statements claim that he is committed to democratic reforms and open to advice. His comments are echoed by U.S. analyst Adrian Karatnycky, a Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council, who notes that Yanukovych is "responsive to criticism" and "is aware of the potential of society, which was the lesson of the Orange Revolution." Dominique Arel, Chair of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Ottawa, states that it is unclear which direction Yanukovych will turn in the future, implying that a pro-Russian direction is by no means certain.

However, overall the signs are not too promising. On Oct. 1, Ukraine's constitutional court annulled the political reform of 2004, meaning that the country returned to the status of a presidential republic, in which the president chooses the prime minister and cabinet. In theory there is some logic to the move, in that the 2004 amendments amounted to something of a backroom deal to prevent bloodshed during the Orange Revolution and left Yushchenko lacking in authority.

Yet the return to the 1996 constitution means that Yanukovych has formidable powers. Moreover, such a major constitutional reversal should be accompanied by a new presidential election, but there is no question of such an eventuality in Yanukovych's Ukraine. The municipal elections scheduled for this weekend similarly have been carefully engineered to ensure a victory for the ruling Regions Party.

Ukrainian analyst Mykola Riabchuk makes reference to what he terms the "KGB-ization" of society, with a powerful SBU and a cabinet dominated by what might impolitely be called "the Donetsk Mafia" bending rules whenever it suits them and curbing the media. Yanukovych claims to be open to reforms and supportive of Euro-Atlantic structures, but has rejected NATO membership and accepted a proposed renovation of the Russian Black Sea Fleet.

Moreover, the attitude of some of his team -- most notably Azarov and Education Minister Dmytro Tabachnyk -- is closer to a Soviet than a democratic mentality. The irascible Tabachnyk in particular does not consider the western regions part of Ukraine and denies that the famine was genocide. Thus it is to be hoped that Ukraine heard Canada's message loud and clear. It was one of concern for a formerly close friend that seems to have taken some very wrong steps indeed.

David Marples is a professor of history in the U of A's department of history and classics.

© Copyright (c) The Edmonton Journal

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